At an Oval Office press conference last month, Donald Trump described present-day South Africa as “the opposite of apartheid”—a phrase so perfectly weird that the man sitting across from him, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, took several seconds to process it, before literally biting his lip and letting the line pass without remark.
在上个月的椭圆形办公室新闻发布会上，唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）将当今的南非描述为“种族隔离的对面”，这是一个非常奇怪的短语，以至于坐在他对面的那个人，南非总统西里尔·拉马福萨（Cyril Ramaphosa）花了几秒钟的时间来对其进行处理，然后才敲打他的嘴唇并让线路让线条毫无意义。
The opposite of apartheid sounds like a compliment. (“Apartheid. Terrible!” Trump had said, just seconds before.) But Trump didn’t mean it that way. He accused South Africa of rebuilding the system of racial hierarchy that had once made it, in the words of Nelson Mandela, “the skunk of the world.” Under opposite-of-apartheid, Trump said, white South African farmers are now the victims. The reek of oppression comes from the “thousands of stories” describing their murders and the theft of their farmland. In the course of dressing down Ramaphosa, Trump dimmed the lights for a screening of a sing-along led by the South African politician Julius Malema, in which a large group chants “Kill the Boer.” (Boer is “farmer” in Afrikaans, the native language of most white South Africans.) Trump suggested that the farmers are the victims of a “genocide” and said they feared having their land taken away. And he reiterated a policy announced in February that welcomed them to resettle in America as refugees.
种族隔离的相反听起来像是一种称赞。（“种族隔离。可怕！”特朗普在几秒钟前就说。）但是特朗普并不是那样的。他指责南非重建了曾经做到的种族等级制度，用纳尔逊·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）的话来说，“世界上的臭鼬”。特朗普说，在种族隔离的对面，南非白人农民现在是受害者。压迫的重视来自“成千上万的故事”，描述了他们的谋杀案和农田的盗窃案。在打扮Ramaphosa的过程中，特朗普使灯光变暗，以放映由南非政治家朱利叶斯·梅莱玛（Julius Malema）领导的唱片，其中一大群人呼唤“杀死布尔”。（布尔是南非荷兰语的“农民”，这是大多数南非人的母语。）特朗普建议农民是“种族灭绝”的受害者，并说他们担心将土地带走。他重申了2月宣布的一项政策，欢迎他们作为难民重新安置美国。
Ramaphosa denied that a genocide was under way. He reminded Trump that black South Africans are being killed in even greater absolute numbers, in the course of robbery and other nongenocidal crime. (South Africa’s murder rate of 42 per 100,000 people is among the world’s highest. The United States’ is 6.8; France’s is 1.5.) “There is criminality in our country,” Ramaphosa said, copping to a lesser charge. The meeting adjourned awkwardly, with Ramaphosa inviting Trump to South Africa for a state visit.
拉马福萨否认正在进行种族灭绝。他提醒特朗普，在抢劫和其他非命中罪的过程中，南非人的绝对数量更大。（南非的谋杀率为每100,000人42人是世界上最高的。会议尴尬地押后，拉马福萨邀请特朗普到南非进行国事访问。
Trump will probably resist this invitation. I could not. Although Trump cheapened the word genocide by using it to describe the situation of Afrikaner farmers, many conditions that fall short of genocide are nonetheless intolerable, including living in a country of extreme and routine violence. In that way, the plight of white South Africans resembles, as Ramaphosa suggested, that of their black countrymen. When white farmers are slaughtered in their homes, their murderers’ motivations are not, as Ramaphosa suggested, always genocidal.
特朗普可能会抵制这一邀请。我不能。尽管特朗普通过使用它来描述非洲人农民的状况来廉价种族灭绝一词，但许多人遭受种族灭绝的状况仍然无法忍受，包括生活在一个极端和常规暴力的国家中。正如拉马福萨所暗示的那样，白人南非人的困境类似于他们的黑人同胞。当白人农民在家里被屠杀时，凶手的动机并不是拉马福萨（Ramaphosa）所建议的，总是种族灭绝。
Nick Miroff: America is the land of opportunity—for white South Africans
尼克·米罗夫（Nick Miroff）：美国是机会的土地 - 南非白人
Signs of violent criminality are ubiquitous in South Africa. Electric fences and guard dogs protect homes containing something worth stealing. Reported rapes, carjackings, and armed robberies all occur far more frequently than in the United States. In Bloemfontein, one of the safer cities, I asked a hotel clerk for directions to a coffee shop, and she said it was “just across the road,” not more than 500 feet away. When I headed out on foot, she stopped me and said that for my safety, “I would prefer that you drive.” Driving is dangerous too. On highways, permanent signs announce that the next few miles are a “spiking hot spot,” where brigands plant obstacles to blow out tires and ambush drivers when they stop to change their flats. A couple of years ago, an American tourist rented a car at the airport in Cape Town and set up navigation on his phone. His app had an option to avoid tolls but not to avoid being shot in the face. Within an hour he was in a bad neighborhood, with his jaw hanging off his head and all his possessions gone. (He survived and vowed to sue Google Maps.)
在南非，暴力犯罪的迹象无处不在。电围栏和护卫犬保护装有值得偷东西的房屋。据报道，强奸，劫车和武装抢劫的发生频率要比美国的频率要高得多。在一个更安全的城市的布隆方丹，我向酒店店员询问了一家咖啡店的路线，她说这“就在马路对面，不超过500英尺。当我徒步前进时，她停下来说，为了我的安全，“我更喜欢你开车。”驾驶也很危险。在高速公路上，永久性迹象宣布，接下来的几英里是“尖峰热点”，当他们停下来更换其公寓时，Brigands植物障碍物吹出轮胎和伏击司机。几年前，一名美国游客在开普敦的机场租了一辆汽车，并在他的电话上进行了导航。他的应用程序可以选择避免通行费，但不能避免被枪击。一个小时之内，他在一个糟糕的街区，下巴垂下了头，所有的财产都消失了。（他幸存下来并发誓要起诉Google Maps。）
Per-Anders Pettersson / Getty White crosses at the Witkruis (“White Cross”) Monument on a private farm in Ysterberg, near Polokwane, South Africa, on June 3, 2025. The monument commemorates about 2,800 of the alleged 4,000 white farmers who have been killed in the country since 1994.
佩特森（Perterson） /盖蒂·怀特（Getty White）在2025年6月3日在南非波洛克瓦恩（Polokwane）附近的伊斯特伯格（Ysterberg）的一个私人农场的威特克鲁伊（Witkruis）（“白色十字”）纪念碑上，纪念碑纪念碑纪念纪念碑纪念自1994年以来在该国被杀害的4,000名白人农民中约有2,800名。
Afrikaner farmers suffer, in this context, from what might be called the Willie Sutton problem. Why rob and assault them? Because that’s where the money is. In rural areas, farmers have expensive motors and other agricultural equipment, and sometimes stashes of cash to pay workers. It stands to reason that in dangerous and thief-ridden land, the richest people would get attacked now and then. White farmers are responsible for about 90 percent of agricultural output.
在这种情况下，南非荷兰人农民受到威利·萨顿问题的痛苦。为什么Rob和攻击他们？因为那是钱的地方。在农村地区，农民拥有昂贵的电动机和其他农业设备，有时还会藏有现金来付钱。有理由认为，在危险和小偷缠着的土地上，最富有的人会不时遭到攻击。白人农民约有90％的农业产出。
A little more than a week after the Trump meeting, I was in South Africa’s Limpopo state, a center of citrus production. At an agricultural training center, I met a white fruit packer, Davon Stoltz, 29, whose story was just as horrible and lurid as Trump had implied. Stoltz sat by me in a flimsy plastic chair, in the shade of a Tipuana tree, and told me what had happened to his family on the morning of April 30.
在特朗普会议之后，我在南非的林波波州立大学（Limpopo State），这是柑橘产量的中心。在一个农业培训中心，我遇到了一位白水果包装工，现年29岁的达文·斯托尔茨（Davon Stoltz），他的故事就像特朗普所暗示的那样可怕和富丽堂皇。斯托尔兹（Stoltz）坐在脆弱的塑料椅子上，坐在一棵Tipuana树的阴影下，告诉我4月30日上午他的家人发生了什么事。
His aunt called and begged him to come quickly. She had found his grandfather, Robert Stoltz, 78, apparently lifeless on his bathroom floor. What she saw made her rush out and refuse to go back in. Davon drove 40 miles and beat the police to the scene. He told me Robert “was in the bathroom, with his face on the ground, in the corner.” The murder weapon was a panga, a type of machete. Robert’s arms had been bound with barbed wire. “They panga-ed his face,” Davon said. “His nose was off, all his teeth out, and there was a big hole in his face and on top of his head.”
他的姨妈打电话给他，恳求他迅速来。她发现他的祖父现年78岁的罗伯特·斯托尔茨（Robert Stoltz）在他的浴室地板上显然毫无生气。她看到的东西使她急忙拒绝回去。Davon开车40英里，击败了警察到现场。他告诉我罗伯特“在浴室里，他的脸在地上，拐角处。”谋杀武器是panga，一种砍刀。罗伯特的手臂与铁丝网绑在一起。“他们在他的脸上panged，”达文说。“他的鼻子都熄灭了，他所有的牙齿都伸出来，他的脸上和头顶上都有一个大洞。”
Why brutalize an old man? Davon was both disgusted and puzzled. “They didn’t take anything but his phone and his car,” he told me. The car was found rolled, not far away. “They dragged him through the kitchen. On the way, there’s a lot of things to steal.” But the TV was still there, and the cupboards were undisturbed.
为什么要野蛮一个老人？达文既令人反感又困惑。他告诉我：“除了他的电话和汽车外，他们什么都没拿。”发现这辆车滚动，不远处。“他们把他拖到厨房里。在途中，有很多东西要偷。”但是电视仍然在那里，橱柜不受干扰。
Eve Fairbanks: When racial progress comes for white liberals
夏娃·费尔班克斯（Eve Fairbanks）：当种族进步到白人自由主义者时
Davon said the police, who were just a few miles away, dawdled and ignored key evidence. His grandfather didn’t smoke, but cigarette butts lay everywhere at the scene and remained there even after the police collected evidence, bagged up the body, and left. Only when the family came in to wash the gore from the tiles did they find the murder weapon, a homemade panga stashed above the bathroom mirror and still dripping with Grandpa’s blood. “I get angry when I talk about this,” Davon said. “The forensic team just didn’t care.” They don’t care, he told me, because “we are white.” He contrasted the indifference with the solidarity expressed by the 10 black workers on Robert’s farm, who attended the funeral and offered to help find the killers.
达文说，只有几英里的警察嘲笑并忽略了主要证据。他的祖父没有抽烟，但是即使警察收集了证据，把尸体袋子袋子，然后留在现场，烟头的屁股仍留在那里。只有一家人进来洗净瓷砖的血腥，他们才找到了谋杀武器，一个自制的panga藏在浴室镜子上方，仍然滴着爷爷的鲜血。“当我谈论这个问题时，我会生气，”达文说。“法医团队只是不在乎。”他告诉我，他们不在乎，因为“我们是白人。”他与罗伯特（Robert）农场的10名黑人工人所表达的团结形成了鲜明的冷漠，他们参加了葬礼，并提出帮助找到杀手。
The family hired private investigators, and their efforts, not the police’s, yielded a suspect, Bobo Mokoena, now under arrest for the crime. Davon told me he confronted Mokoena at one of his first court appearances. Mokoena laughed at him and said he had thought the old man had money. That motivation does not satisfy Davon. “Why would you think he has money?” Robert was mostly retired, and not rich. “Why kill him? Come on. Honestly it’s because he’s white; he’s a Boer.”
一家人雇用了私人调查员，他们的努力而不是警察的努力，犯了一个嫌疑人Bobo Mokoena，目前因犯罪而被捕。Davon告诉我，他在他的第一个法庭露面之一中与Mokoena面对面。Mokoena嘲笑他，并说他以为老人有钱。这种动机并不满足Davon。“你为什么认为他有钱？”罗伯特大部分退休，并不富有。“为什么杀了他？来吧。老实说，这是因为他是白人；他是布尔。”
Davon said mere greed could explain some roughing up, but not disfigurement and murder. “Show me where a black person is killed, and then I will show you my grandpa’s pictures, how he looked when he was killed—like my grandpa was an animal.” Davon said he was so traumatized by seeing his grandfather’s mangled face that after the corpse had been cleaned up, he asked to see it again, in hopes of replacing a gruesome sight with a sanitized one. “I tried to get that picture out of my head,” he told me. “Didn’t work. I promise you: That’s not a picture you want to see.”
达文说，仅仅贪婪可以解释一些粗暴，但不能解释毁容和谋杀。“向我展示一个黑人被杀的地方，然后我将向您展示我爷爷的照片，他被杀时的样子 - 就像我的爷爷是动物一样。”达文说，他看到祖父的脸部被弄乱，以至于尸体被清理后，他要求再次看到它，希望用一个经过卫生的景象代替可怕的景象。他告诉我：“我试图把那张照片从我的脑海中拿出来。”“不起作用。我向你保证：那不是你想看的照片。”
I spoke with other white farmers in Limpopo who had suffered home invasions. Some, such as a woman who was beset in her kitchen by another panga wielder, had barely survived. Others managed to alert neighbors and police in time to avoid serious harm. For years, rural South Africans were spared the crime afflicting big cities—in part because the old rural security architecture, known as the Commando system, remained intact for a decade after apartheid’s end. That system—semi-militarized, with armed citizens patrolling the countryside—was tainted by its association with apartheid and disbanded in the 2000s. Now farmers are reacting to the rise in farm attacks by informally reviving it. They have hardened their defenses. They stuff guns in their trousers and have turned their farms into little islands of security, with so many cameras, drones, and surveillance monitors that in a drought year they could quit farming altogether and film a Truman Show remake.
我与林波波（Limpopo）的其他白人农民进行了交谈，后者遭受了入侵。有些人，例如一个被另一个Panga Wielder在厨房里困扰的女人，几乎没有幸存。其他人设法及时提醒邻居和警察，以避免严重伤害。多年以来，南非农村人士一直在不利于大城市的犯罪 - 部分是因为在种族隔离结束后的十年中，被称为突击队系统的旧农村安全建筑一直保持不变。该系统 - 武装公民在乡村巡逻，被武装公民巡逻 - 受到与种族隔离的关联并于2000年代解散的污染。现在，农民通过非正式地恢复农场袭击的袭击正在反应。他们加强了防御能力。他们将枪支塞进裤子，并将他们的农场变成了小岛的安全岛，并拥有许多相机，无人机和监视监视器，以至于他们可以在干旱的一年中完全退出耕种，并拍摄杜鲁门秀的翻拍。
How, in a country where violence is this common, is one to know whether it is racially motivated? It seemed possible that Davon’s grandpa was not targeted for his race, and that the cops missed the clues because of incompetence and corruption, rather than indifference to the murder of white people. (Twice I was told that to get police to consider evidence of a crime, one should bring a bribe to the precinct in the form of a tasty treat.) But it would have taken a lot of nerve to suggest to Davon and other white farmers that they ought to lighten up, when stories like theirs are so common, and “Kill the Boer” is pump-up music at political rallies. Hate speech is illegal in South Africa, but courts there have ruled that “Kill the Boer” is not to be taken literally, because the song is an anti-apartheid Communist revolutionary anthem and now no more offensive than an anti-Nazi song that calls for drubbing “the Krauts” or “the Hun.” Pleas to appreciate this nuance are less convincing when your Boer grandpa has recently been hacked to death.
在一个普遍的暴力的国家中，如何知道它是否是出于种族动机的？达文的爷爷似乎并不是他的种族目标，而警察由于无能和腐败而错过了线索，而不是对谋杀白人的漠不关心。（两次我被告知要让警察考虑犯罪的证据，一个人应该以美味的享受来贿赂区域。）但是，当他们像他们这样的故事是如此普遍的故事，而“杀死布尔”是政治舞会上的音乐，这将使Davon和其他应该减轻的白人农民感到非常勇气。仇恨言论在南非是非法的，但是那里的法院裁定“杀死布尔人”不应从字面上看，因为这首歌是一首反种族隔离的共产主义革命国歌，现在没有比一首反纳粹歌曲更令人反感的，而那首反纳粹歌曲则要求丢弃“ krauts”或“ krauts”或“ the Hun”。当您的Boer Grandpa最近被砍死时，请欣赏这一细微差别并不令人信服。
Some incidents are not just grotesque but also mystifying—criminal encounters that are opaque in motivation, which leaves them open to interpret as one sees them, whether as race attacks or something else. One Afrikaner, Joachim Prinsloo, told me about a very peculiar home invasion that involved no violence at all. He said the intruder was easier to catch than he might otherwise have been, because he apparently believed that magical spells had rendered him invisible. He was found in the white family’s living room browsing Cook and Enjoy It, a classic Afrikaans cookbook, while holding it upside down. “When I spoke to him, at first he ignored me,” Prinsloo told me. “And then he was shocked that I could see him.”
有些事件不仅是怪诞的，而且是神秘的事件 - 动机上不透明的犯罪遭遇，这使他们愿意将其解释为人们，无论是种族攻击还是其他东西。一位南非荷兰人约阿希姆·普林斯卢（Joachim Prinsloo）告诉我，一个非常奇特的家庭入侵根本没有暴力。他说，入侵者比以前更容易捕捉，因为他显然认为神奇的咒语使他看不见。在白人家庭的客厅里发现了他浏览厨师并享用它，这是一本经典的南非荷兰语食谱，同时将其倒置。“当我与他交谈时，起初他不理我，”普林斯卢告诉我。“然后他能看到他感到震惊。”
White racists were preoccupied with these sometimes brutal, often extremely idiosyncratic, sometimes just strange incidents well before they became a source of outrage and fascination for Trump and people orbiting him, such as Elon Musk. They have implied that South Africa is experiencing what Zimbabwe suffered a quarter century ago: government-sanctioned attacks on white farmers, uncompensated seizure of their land, and eventually the collapse of the country’s agricultural sector and ability to feed itself. Trump referred to “over a thousand” dead farmers (upping it to “thousands” in the Q&A with reporters).
白人种族主义者全神贯注于这些有时残酷的，通常是极其特质的，有时只是奇怪的事件，在他们成为对特朗普和人们绕过他（例如埃隆·马斯克）的愤怒和迷恋的根源。他们暗示，南非正在经历津巴布韦在四分之一世纪前遭受的遭受的侵害：政府批准对白人农民的攻击，无偿癫痫发作的土地，最终是该国农业部门的崩溃和养活自己的能力。特朗普提到“一千多个”死的农民（将其提高到与记者的问答中的“成千上万”）。
Read: The day Grok told everyone about ‘white genocide’
阅读：Grok向所有人介绍“白人种族灭绝”的那一天
Bronze busts of the Afrikaner leaders (from right to left) J. B. M. Hertzog, Hendrik Verwoerd, D. F. Malan, J. G. Strijdom, and B. J. Vorster are seen on a hill in Orania, South Africa, on May 24, 2024, under the flag bearing the image of the Kleinreus, or “Little Giant,” the town’s symbol. (Marco Longari / AFP / Getty)
Bronze busts of the Afrikaner leaders (from right to left) J. B. M. Hertzog, Hendrik Verwoerd, D. F. Malan, J. G. Strijdom, and B. J. Vorster are seen on a hill in Orania, South Africa, on May 24, 2024, under the flag bearing the image of the Kleinreus, or “Little Giant,” the town’s symbol.（Marco Longari / AFP / Getty）
In part because of this context, many South Africans are suspicious of those who track the killings and organize farmer efforts to arm themselves and patrol their properties. AfriForum, a Pretoria-based advocacy group, does both. Even its data do not suggest organized mass killings or farm seizure resembling Zimbabwe during the late Robert Mugabe era. They count five farm murders so far in 2025, 37 in 2024, and 52 in 2023, out of roughly 27,000 annual murders in the country as a whole. But South Africa has only about 44,000 white commercial farmers, according to one estimate. AfriForum does not have complete data on the racial classification of the victims, but the group told me that in each year at least half were white, and only about 10 percent were confirmed to be nonwhite. That suggests that the murder rate for white farmers is higher than for the general population, and possibly as much as double the already very high national rate.
在某种程度上，由于这种情况，许多南非人对那些追踪杀戮并组织农民努力武装自己和巡逻财产的人感到怀疑。Afriforum是比勒陀利亚的倡导小组，同时又做了这两者。即使是其数据也不建议在罗伯特·穆加贝（Robert Mugabe）晚期时代有组织的大规模杀戮或类似于津巴布韦的农场癫痫发作。他们在2025年到目前为止算出五次农场谋杀案，在2024年为37个谋杀案，在该国大约27,000次谋杀案中，在整个全国大约27,000次谋杀案中。但根据一项估计，南非只有大约44,000名白人商业农民。Afriforum没有关于受害者种族分类的完整数据，但是该组织告诉我，每年至少一半是白人，只有大约10％的人被确认为非白人。这表明，白人农民的谋杀率高于普通民众，可能是本来已经很高的全国性利率的两倍。
Kallie Kriel, AfriForum’s CEO, considers the South African government’s inattention to these killings an outrage and argues that the murder rate, rather than confessions or other statements about motives—of which there are few—shows that farmers are particularly targeted. These killings are not “ordinary crime,” he told me. He called the government’s refusal to denounce Malema—the politician who leads the “Kill the Boer” chants—“shameful,” and further evidence of non-ordinariness. (Ramaphosa distanced himself from Malema in the Trump meeting.) And Kriel noted the hypocrisy of South Africa’s position; in The Hague, South Africa is demanding that Israel punish and prevent incitement to genocide. (Indeed, the same lawyer, Tembeka Ngcukaitobi, argued both cases—for Malema’s right to chant “Kill the Boers” in South Africa, and for Israel’s obligation to shut up its own violent loudmouths there.)
Afriforum的首席执行官Kallie Kriel认为南非政府对这些杀戮的不关心是愤怒，并认为谋杀率，而不是关于动机的供词或其他陈述（几乎没有任何动机的陈述），而这些谋杀案尤其针对农民。他告诉我，这些杀戮不是“普通犯罪”。他呼吁政府拒绝谴责宫殿 - 带领“杀死布尔”圣歌的政治家 - 可耻，并进一步证明了非洲的证据。（Ramaphosa在特朗普会议上与Malema保持距离。）Kriel指出了南非地位的虚伪。在海牙，南非要求以色列惩罚并防止煽动种族灭绝。（的确，同一位律师Tembeka Ngcukaitobi辩称了这两个案件 - Malema在南非喊着“杀死Boers”的权利，以及以色列有义务在那里关闭自己的暴力大嘴。）
Nevertheless, Kriel declined to say that “genocide” was taking place just yet, and he refused to accept one of Trump’s premises: that Afrikaners are helpless victims who need shelter abroad. He noted that Afrikaners arrived in what is now South Africa more than 100 years before my own country was founded. “If we were victims, we would just say we’re finished, and that would be that,” he told me. That was not the Boer way.
尽管如此，克里尔（Kriel）拒绝说“种族灭绝”正在发生，他拒绝接受特朗普的一个房屋：南非荷兰人是需要在国外庇护的无助受害者。他指出，南非荷兰人在我自己的国家成立之前超过100年到达了现在的南非。他告诉我：“如果我们是受害者，我们只会说我们已经完成了，那就是那样。”那不是布尔的方式。
Per-Anders Pettersson / Getty An Afrikaner youth parade with flags in a residential area on October 6, 2023, in Orania.
Perers Pettersson / Getty于2023年10月6日在奥兰尼亚（Orania）的住宅区举行的南非荷兰荷兰人青年游行。
The Boer way is to dig in, to outlast challengers, and, above all, to survive. Perhaps the weirdest manifestation of this hardiness is a little town called Orania. More than three decades ago, a small band of Afrikaners responded to the end of apartheid by creating a whites-only private settlement in the Karoo, a parched scrubland in the Northern Cape near the border with the Free State. The survival and growth of this pasty rural town, which now has thousands of inhabitants, is evidence that Trump’s assessment of South Africa—that it is systematically attempting to murder its white farmers—is wrong.
布尔的方式是挖掘，超越挑战者，最重要的是要生存。也许这种顽强的最奇怪的表现是一个叫做奥兰尼亚的小镇。三十多年前，一小群南非荷兰人通过在卡鲁（Karoo）建立一个只有白人的私人定居点来回应种族隔离的终结，这是一个与自由州边界附近的北开普省的露天灌木丛。这个糊状乡村城镇的生存和成长（现在有成千上万的居民）证明，特朗普对南非的评估（系统地试图谋杀其白人农民）是错误的。
Orania is probably the most openly racist place I have ever visited. That is not to say that I, who would have been classified “Asian” or “Coloured” under apartheid, felt unwelcome. As a guest, I could come and go as I pleased, and during my two-day visit, I was treated graciously. The town looked like a sedate subdivision or kibbutz or retirement community, fringed with industrial parks. It was also safe—the only place I visited in South Africa where I had no fear of petty crime or violence. Its people were nice and patient with my attempts to speak Afrikaans. Their gift shop sold me a little keychain that says Vryheid in Ons Tyd, or “Freedom in Our Time.” “Freedom from what?” I asked, without getting a good answer. Vryheid from stupid questions, I guess.
奥拉尼亚可能是我参观过的最公开种族主义的地方。这并不是说我会被归类为“亚洲人”或“彩色”在种族隔离的情况下，感到不受欢迎。作为客人，我可以随心所欲地来去去，在为期两天的访问中，我受到了慷慨的待遇。该镇看起来像是一个镇静的细分，基布兹或退休社区，上面有工业园区。这也是安全的 - 我在南非唯一访问过的地方，我不怕犯罪或暴力。它的人很友善，我试图说南非荷兰语。他们的礼品店卖给了我一个小钥匙链，上面写着vryheid在ons tyd或“我们那个时代的自由”。“从什么？”我问，没有得到很好的答案。我猜是愚蠢的问题。
“They say we are racists, and we hate black people—which never was true,” Hennie Pelser, one of the town spokespeople and tour guides, told me. The goal of Orania, he said, was to “protect ourselves, ensure our existence, and make sure we have something for our kids to inherit.” But he told me that to live there I would need to be white, Christian, and Afrikaans-speaking, a triple whammy in my case, and I noticed that the first of the whammies was unambiguously racial. He said that Oranians performed all work, so black people spotted walking around would be intercepted and politely asked to state their business. A sign at the entrance to the town announces no crime will be tolerated, and Orania may question any suspicious person. Elsewhere in Orania, residents spoke openly of their disdain for black people: their mentality, their morality, their smell.
“他们说我们是种族主义者，我们讨厌黑人，这从来不是真的。”镇发言人和导游之一的汉尼·佩尔瑟（Hennie Pelser）告诉我。他说，奥拉尼亚的目标是“保护自己，确保我们的存在，并确保我们有一些孩子可以继承的东西。”但是他告诉我，要住在那里，我需要说是白人，基督教和南非荷兰语，就我而言，这是三重鞭打，我注意到第一个鞭子是明确的种族种族。他说，奥拉尼亚人进行了所有工作，因此发现走动的黑人将被拦截，并礼貌地要求陈述自己的业务。该镇入口处的标志宣布不会容忍任何犯罪，奥拉尼亚可能会质疑任何可疑的人。在奥拉尼亚的其他地方，居民公开谈论他们对黑人的鄙视：他们的心态，道德和气味。
I met Carel Boshoff IV, Orania’s leader from 2007 to 2019 and the son of one of its founders, at a coffee shop on Orania’s main street. The son and grandson of major Afrikaner politicians, he was dressed in a tweed jacket and reading a book by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, the Kenyan novelist and cultural theorist, who had died the previous day. Boshoff told me Ngũgĩ had influenced his thinking, and as we spoke I could see how. Ngũgĩ had advocated for the strengthening of “cultural freedoms” in the face of hegemonic powers.
从2007年到2019年，我在奥兰尼亚大街的一家咖啡店遇到了奥拉尼亚领导人Carel Boshoff IV，并且是其创始人之一的儿子。他的儿子和孙子是南非荷兰人政客的儿子和孙子，穿着一件花呢夹克，读了肯尼亚小说家兼文化理论家Ngũgĩganthiong’o的书，他去世了。博肖夫告诉我ngũgĩ影响了他的思想，当我们讲话时，我可以看到如何。面对霸权力量，Ngũgĩ提倡加强“文化自由”。
Boshoff told me that he views Orania as “an evolutionary development towards something very fundamentally federalist.” From its beginnings in the 1990s, he said, Orania has found legal and spiritual shelter in the South African post-apartheid constitution, which recognizes “the right of self-determination of any community sharing a common cultural and language heritage.” If Zulus can have their land, why not Afrikaners? He said that Orania was conceived as a way to have an Afrikaner community, with schools and churches and security all provisioned by a recognized political entity. Boshoff said that the South African government would prefer that Orania not exist. But the constitution protects it. “They did not like it, but they could not be totally against it,” he said.
波肖夫告诉我，他认为奥拉尼亚是“对非常根本的联邦主义者的进化发展”。他说，从1990年代开始，奥兰尼亚在南非种族隔离后的宪法中找到了法律和精神庇护所，该宪法承认“任何共享共同文化和语言遗产的社区的自决权”。如果祖鲁斯可以拥有他们的土地，为什么不南非荷兰人呢？他说，奥拉尼亚被认为是建立一个南非荷兰人社区的一种方式，学校，教会和安全均由公认的政治实体提供。波肖夫说，南非政府宁愿不存在奥兰尼亚。但是宪法保护了它。他说：“他们不喜欢它，但不能完全反对它。”
Per-Anders Pettersson / Getty Family and friends of Wilhem Boshoff, the son of Carel Boshoff IV, celebrate his 18th birthday at the family farm on the outskirts of Orania on April 29, 2023.
Carel Boshoff IV的儿子Wilhem Boshoff的Per-Anders Pettersson / Getty的家人和朋友在2023年4月29日在Orania郊区的家庭农场庆祝他的18岁生日。
Pelser said that Orania was working well, and that Afrikaners being lured to the United States should instead come here. “We don’t have any crime,” he claimed. “We don’t have any unemployment.” He said that the Afrikaners of Orania didn’t think any work was beneath them. Because the land is private, they police themselves, admit residents according to their own criteria, and eject them even for lawful activities, such as smoking pot. Using white manual labor, he told me, made Oranians rugged and self-reliant. Pelser had previously been a banker. I asked whether the lack of black labor, and therefore cheap labor, had held Orania back. “Black labor eventually gets to you,” he said. “Having black labor costs you a lot more at the end of the day, you know.” It softens you, he said, and the presence of outsiders ultimately corrodes the community. “You should never rely on anybody else to do your work for you.”
Pelser说，Orania的工作良好，而非洲人被引诱到美国应该来到这里。他声称：“我们没有任何犯罪。”“我们没有失业。”他说，奥拉尼亚的南非荷兰人认为没有任何工作。由于这片土地是私人的，他们会自行警察，按照自己的标准承认居民，甚至将其驱逐出去进行合法的活动，例如吸烟锅。他告诉我，使用白色手动劳动，使奥拉尼亚人坚固耐用。Pelser以前曾是银行家。我问是否缺乏黑人劳动，因此廉价的劳动力使奥兰尼亚恢复了。他说：“黑人劳动最终会吸引您。”“让黑人劳动在一天结束时花费更多的钱，你知道。”他说，这使您变得柔和，外来者的存在最终腐蚀了社区。“您绝不应该依靠其他任何人来为您完成工作。”
The irony of this boring monoculture was that it was in some ways a repudiation of apartheid, and not, as it might appear, an attempt to revive it. Both systems endeavored to separate the races. But apartheid was fundamentally an attempt to keep black people out of cities while profiting from their rural labor and depriving them of political and civil rights. The Oranians, by contrast, eschewed black labor and retreated from South Africa’s cities to its countryside, just as black South Africans were doing the opposite. Orania is also a repudiation of Trump because it shows that Afrikaners can be as Afrikaner as they wish, and even openly racist, without being harassed, let alone crushed and exterminated, by the government.
具有讽刺意味的是，这种无聊的单一文化是在某种程度上是对种族隔离的否定，而不是看来是试图复兴它的尝试。两种系统都努力将比赛分开。但是，种族隔离从根本上讲是一种试图使黑人远离城市的尝试，同时从农村劳动中获利并剥夺了他们的政治和公民权利。相比之下，奥兰人避开了黑人劳动，并从南非的城市撤退到其乡村，就像南非黑人相反。奥拉尼亚也是对特朗普的否定，因为它表明南非荷兰人可以按照他们的意愿，甚至公开地种族主义者，而不会骚扰，更不用说被政府压碎和灭绝了。
I asked Boshoff what he thought of the 59 Afrikaners who came fast-tracked to America as refugees, while the Trump administration was working to halt resettlement of so many others. “The whole idea has more to do with President Trump’s politics than with ours,” he said. “It’s his agenda and his interest and might be the United States’ interest for all I know.” He was savvy enough to know that anyone seriously concerned about the survival of Afrikaners, collectively or individually, or about preventing genocide, would not approach these topics so cavalierly, and with such disregard for the efforts of Afrikaners themselves.
我问波肖夫，他对59名非洲裔人物的看法是什么，他们以难民的身份快速前往美国，而特朗普政府正在努力停止对许多其他人的重新安置。他说：“整个想法与特朗普总统的政治有关，而不是与我们的政治有关。”“这是他的议程和他的利益，可能是我所知道的美国的利益。”他足够精明，知道任何人都认真关注南非荷兰人的生存，集体，单独或预防种族灭绝，不会如此勇敢地处理这些话题，并且如此无视南非荷兰人自己的努力。
By leaving the place where his people had lived for 350 years, were these Afrikaners giving up, hastening a cultural suicide? He seemed very sad at the thought. The Afrikaners who came to America, he said, might find that they had lost something important by consenting to play this part in Trump’s pageant, at the price of leaving their country. “Wait for the depression to set in—the homesickness. It sits in your bones. And it is coming.”
通过离开他的人民住了350年的地方，这些南非荷兰人是否放弃了，加快了文化自杀？他对这个想法感到非常难过。他说，来美国的南非荷兰人可能会发现，他们同意以离开国家的身份在特朗普的选美比赛中扮演这一角色，从而失去了重要的事情。“等待抑郁症的安排 - 乡亲。它位于你的骨头。它来了。”
