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Five years ago, as the streets ran hot and the body of George Floyd lay cold, optimistic commentators believed that America was on the verge of a breakthrough in its eternal deliberation over the humanity of Black people. For a brief moment, perhaps, it seemed as if the “whirlwinds of revolt,” as Martin Luther King Jr. once prophesied, had finally shaken the foundations of the nation. In 2021, in the midst of this “racial reckoning,” as it was often called, Congress passed legislation turning Juneteenth into “Juneteenth National Independence Day,” a federal holiday. Now we face the sober reality that our country might be further away from that promised land than it has been in decades.
五年前，随着街道的炎热，乔治·弗洛伊德（George Floyd）的尸体散发着冷酷，乐观的评论员认为，美国对黑人人类的永恒审议处于突破性的边缘。也许短暂的一刻，似乎“起义的旋风”，就像马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King Jr.）曾经预言一样，终于动摇了国家的基础。在2021年，在这种“种族估算”中，国会通过立法将16日定为联邦假期“ Junteenthententhensententhententhententy Day”。现在，我们面临着一个清醒的现实，即我们的国家可能比几十年来更远离那片应许之地。
Along with Memorial Day and Martin Luther King Jr. Day, Juneteenth became one of three federal holidays with explicit roots in Black history. Memorial Day was made a national observance in 1868 to honor soldiers felled during the Civil War, and was preceded by local celebrations organized by newly freed Black residents. The impetus for MLK Day came about with King’s assassination exactly a century later, after which civil-rights groups and King’s closest associates campaigned for the named holiday. Memorial Day and Martin Luther King Jr. Day both originated in times when the Black freedom struggle faced its greatest challenges. Juneteenth—an emancipation celebration popularized during Reconstruction—was codified during what purported to be a transformation in America’s racial consciousness.
除了阵亡将士纪念日和小马丁·路德·金·戴（Martin Luther King Jr. Day）外，JuneTeenth成为了三个联邦假期之一，在黑人历史上有明确的根源。阵亡将士纪念日在1868年被举行了全国性的纪念活动，以纪念内战期间被砍伐的士兵，并在新释放的黑人居民组织的当地庆祝活动之前。MLK Day的动力是在一个世纪后的金（King）暗杀之后发生的，之后，民权组织和金的最亲密的同事竞选了这个命名的假期。阵亡将士纪念日和马丁·路德·金·戴（Martin Luther King Jr. Day）都起源于《黑人自由斗争》面临最大挑战的时代。Junteente是在重建过程中普及的解放庆祝活动，在据称是美国种族意识的转变期间被编纂了。
But, like its predecessors, Juneteenth joined the federal-holiday ranks just as Americans also decided en masse that they were done with all that. The 1870s saw the radical promise of Reconstruction give way to Jim Crow; the 1960s gave way to the nihilism and race-baiting of the Nixonian and Reaganite years. In 2024, the election of Donald Trump to a second term signaled a national retreat from racial egalitarianism. In his first months as president, he has moved the country in that direction more quickly than many imagined he would.
但是，像其前任一样，Juntesenthenthenthens也加入了联邦 - 假日的排名，就像美国人还决定对所有这些都完成。1870年代，重建的根本性承诺让吉姆·克劳（Jim Crow）取代。1960年代，尼克松和里奇尼特时代的虚无主义和种族诱饵。2024年，唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）选举第二任期表明，从种族平等主义中撤退。在担任总统的头几个月中，他朝着这个方向搬迁的速度比许多人想象的要快。
Trump has set fire to billions of dollars of contracts in the name of eliminating “DEI,” according to the White House. His legislative agenda threatens to strip federal health care and disaster aid for populations that are disproportionately Black. The Department of Defense has defenestrated Black veterans in death, removing their names from government websites and restoring the old names of bases that originally honored Confederate officers. The Federal Aviation Administration plans to spend millions of dollars to investigate whether recruiting Black air-traffic controllers (among other minority groups) has caused more plane crashes. The Smithsonian and its constituents have come under attack for daring to present artifacts about slavery and segregation. Books about Black history are being disappeared from schools and libraries. The secretary of education has suggested that public-school lessons about the truth of slavery and Jim Crow might themselves be illegal.
据白宫称，特朗普以消除“ dei”的名义为数十亿美元的合同纵火。他的立法议程可能会为黑人不成比例的人口剥夺联邦医疗保健和灾难援助。国防部已将黑人退伍军人在死亡中，从政府网站上删除了他们的名字，并恢复了最初尊敬同盟军官的基地的旧名字。联邦航空管理局计划花费数百万美元来调查招募黑色空中交通管制员（包括其他少数群体）是否导致了更多的飞机失事。史密森尼人及其选民因敢于提出有关奴隶制和种族隔离的文物而受到攻击。有关黑人历史的书籍正在从学校和图书馆中消失。教育部长建议，关于奴隶制和吉姆·克劳本身的公共学校课程可能是非法的。
There were, perhaps, other possible outcomes after 2020, but they didn’t come to pass. The Democratic Party harnessed King’s whirlwinds of revolt to power its mighty machine, promising to transform America and prioritize racial justice. Corporations donned the mask of “wokeness”; people sent CashApp “reparations” and listened and learned. But the donations to racial-justice initiatives soon dried up. The party supported a war in Gaza that fundamentally undercut any claim to its moral authority, especially among many young Black folks who felt kinship with the Palestinians in their plight. When DEI emerged as a boogeyman on the far right, many corporate leaders and politicians started to slink away from previous commitments to equity. Democratic Party leadership underestimated the anti-anti-racism movement, and seemed to genuinely believe that earned racial progress would endure on its own. The backlash that anybody who’d studied history said would come came, and the country was unprepared.
2020年后，也许还有其他可能的结果，但他们没有通过。民主党利用国王的反抗旋风来掌权其强大的机器，承诺改变美国并优先考虑种族正义。公司戴上了“窒息”的面具；人们发送了CashApp的“赔偿”，并倾听和学习。但是，向种族司法计划的捐款很快就会枯竭。该党支持在加沙的一场战争，从根本上讲，该战争从根本上削弱了其道德权威的任何主张，尤其是在许多年轻的黑人中，他们在困境中与巴勒斯坦人保持亲戚关系。当Dei成为最右边的Boogeyman时，许多公司领导人和政客开始摆脱以前对公平的承诺。民主党的领导层低估了反阿蒂种族主义运动，并且似乎真的认为赢得的种族进步将自己持续下去。任何研究历史的人都说，这个国家的反弹是来了，这个国家没有准备好。
Trump and his allies spend a lot of time talking about indoctrination and banning DEI. But by and large, the campaign against “wokeness” has always been a canard. The true quarries of Trump’s movement are the actual policies and structures that made progress possible. Affirmative action is done, and Black entrance rates at some selective schools have already plummeted. Our existing federal protections against discrimination in workplaces, housing, health care, and pollution are being peeled back layer by layer. The 1964 Civil Rights Act might be a dead letter, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act is in perpetual danger of losing the last of its teeth. The Fourteenth Amendment itself stands in tatters.
特朗普和他的盟友花了很多时间谈论灌输和禁止迪伊。但是总的来说，反对“窒息”的运动一直是牛排。特朗普运动的真正采石场是使进步成为可能的实际政策和结构。采取了平权行动，一些选择性学校的黑色入学率已经下降。我们现有的联邦保护措施反对在工作场所，住房，医疗保健和污染中的歧视，逐层剥落。1964年《民权法》可能是一封死信，1965年的投票权法案存在着失去最后一颗牙齿的永久危险。第十四修正案本身陷入了破烂。
Five years after Democratic congresspeople knelt on the floor in kente cloth for nearly nine minutes, the holiday is all that really remains. This puts the oddness of today in stark relief. The purpose of Juneteenth was always a celebration of emancipation, of the Black community’s emergence out of our gloomy past. But it was also an implicit warning that what had been done could be done again. Now millions of schoolchildren will enjoy a holiday commemorating parts of our history that the federal government believes might be illegal to teach them about.
民主党国会议员用肯特布跪在地板上近9分钟后五年，假期确实剩下了。这使今天的奇怪性感到宽慰。Junteenth的目的总是是对解放的庆祝，即黑人社区在我们阴郁的过去中的出现。但这也是一个隐含的警告，即可以做的事情可以再次完成。现在，数以百万计的学童将享受一个假期，以纪念我们历史的一部分，联邦政府认为教会他们可能是非法的。
I once advocated for Juneteenth as a national holiday, on the grounds that the celebration would prompt more people to become familiar with the rich history of emancipation and Black folks’ agency in that. But, as it turns out, transforming Juneteenth into “Juneteenth National Independence Day” against the backdrop of the past few years of retrenchment simply creates another instance of hypocrisy. What we were promised was a reckoning, whatever that meant. What we got was a day off.
我曾经主张六月作为国定假日，理由是庆祝活动会促使更多的人熟悉解放和黑人的悠久历史。但是，事实证明，在过去的几年的背景下，将Junteentens转变为“ Junteenthenthenthentent的独立日”，这只是造成了另一个虚伪的实例。我们所承诺的是一项估计，无论这意味着什么。我们得到的是一天。
