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这是《大西洋日报》(Atlantic Daily)的版本,该新闻通讯可以指导您了解当今最大的故事,可帮助您发现新的想法,并推荐最好的文化。在这里注册。
Signs were all around, but the clinching evidence that the Tea Party is back came this week in New Hampshire, where the Republican Scott Brown announced that he’d be running for U.S. Senate.
迹象到处都是,但是赢得的证据表明茶党回来了,本周在新罕布什尔州,共和党人斯科特·布朗宣布他将竞选美国参议院。
Fifteen years ago, in January 2010, Brown, a state senator in Massachusetts, defeated the Democrat Martha Coakley in a special election to fill the Senate seat vacated by the late liberal icon Ted Kennedy. Brown’s victory was a landmark for conservative opposition to Barack Obama’s administration, and in particular to his attempt to overhaul health insurance.
十五年前,在2010年1月,布朗是马萨诸塞州的州参议员,在一次特别选举中击败了民主党人玛莎·科克利(Martha Coakley),以填补已故自由偶像泰德·肯尼迪(Ted Kennedy)腾空的参议院席位。布朗的胜利是保守反对巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)政府的地标,尤其是他试图大修健康保险的地标。
Protests in the streets and angry crowds at legislators’ town-hall meetings had given a taste of the brewing voter anger, but Democratic leaders dismissed demonstrators as rabble-rousers or astroturfers. Brown’s victory in deep-blue Massachusetts proved that the Tea Party was a real force in politics. Brown turned out to be somewhat moderate—he was, after all, representing the Bay State—and his time in the Senate was short because Elizabeth Warren defeated him in 2012. But in the midterm elections months after his win, a big group of fiscally conservative politicians were elected to Congress as anti-establishment critics of the go-along-to-get-along GOP, which they felt wasn’t doing enough to stand up to Obama.
街头抗议和在立法者的城镇大会议上的愤怒人群对酿造选民的愤怒表示了味道,但民主党领导人将示威者视为狂欢者或阿斯特罗图尔夫人。布朗在马萨诸塞州深蓝色的胜利证明了茶党是政治上的真正力量。Brown turned out to be somewhat moderate—he was, after all, representing the Bay State—and his time in the Senate was short because Elizabeth Warren defeated him in 2012. But in the midterm elections months after his win, a big group of fiscally conservative politicians were elected to Congress as anti-establishment critics of the go-along-to-get-along GOP, which they felt wasn’t doing enough to stand up to Obama.
Led by Tea Party activists and elected officials, Republicans managed to narrow but not stop the Affordable Care Act, which Obama signed in March 2010; they briefly but only fleetingly reduced federal spending and budget deficits. By 2016, the Tea Party was a spent force. Its anti-establishment energy became the basis for Donald Trump’s political movement, with which it shared a strong element of racial backlash. Trump provided the pugilistic approach that many Republican voters had demanded, but without any of the commitment to fiscal discipline: He pledged to protect Medicare and Social Security, and in his first term hugely expanded the deficit.
在茶党活动家和当选官员的带领下,共和党人设法缩小但不制止《负担得起的护理法》,奥巴马于2010年3月签署。他们短暂地但仅短暂地减少了联邦支出和预算赤字。到2016年,茶党是一支付出的力量。它的反建立能量成为唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)政治运动的基础,它与之共享了种族反弹的强烈要素。特朗普提供了许多共和党选民要求的顽强方法,但没有对财政纪律的任何承诺:他承诺保护医疗保险和社会保障,并且在他的第一个任期中,他大大扩大了赤字。
But now there’s a revival of Tea Party ideas in Washington, driven by some of the same elected officials. Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act follows the long-running Republican principle of reducing taxes, especially on the wealthy, but it doesn’t even pretend to cut spending commensurate with the reductions in revenue those tax cuts would produce. This is standard for Republican presidents: Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, George W. Bush, and Trump all ran for office railing against deficits, and then increased them while in office. They were eager to lower taxes, but not to make the politically unpopular choices necessary to actually reduce federal spending. In theory, at least, the Tea Party represented a more purist approach that insisted on cutting budgets, even if that meant taking on politically dangerous tasks such as slashing entitlements. (Republicans could also produce a more balanced budget by increasing revenue through taxes, but they refuse to seriously consider that.)
但是现在,在华盛顿,由一些当选官员驱动的茶党想法复兴了。特朗普的一项大型《美丽法案法》遵循了长期以来的共和党原则减少税收的原则,尤其是在富人身上,但它甚至不假装削减支出与减少税收减少所产生的收入的减少。这是共和党总统的标准:罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan),乔治·H·W·布什(George H.他们渴望降低税收,但并不是要实际减少联邦支出所需的政治不受欢迎的选择。从理论上讲,至少,茶党代表了一种更纯粹的方法,该方法坚持削减预算,即使这意味着要承担政治上危险的任务,例如削减权利。(共和党人还可以通过税收增加收入来产生更平衡的预算,但他们拒绝认真考虑这一点。)
Some of the Tea Party OGs are striking the same tones today. Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, elected in the 2010 wave, has emerged as the foremost Republican critic of the GOP bill. “The math doesn’t really add up,” he said on Face the Nation earlier this month. Trump called Paul’s ideas “crazy” and, according to Paul, briefly uninvited him from an annual congressional picnic at the White House.
今天的一些茶党OGS正在敲响同样的音调。肯塔基州的参议员兰德·保罗(Rand Paul)在2010年浪潮中当选,已成为共和党对共和党法案的最重要的批评者。他在本月初面对国家说:“数学并没有真正加起来。”特朗普称保罗的想法为“疯狂”,据保罗说,他简短地从白宫的一年一度的国会野餐中毫不客气。
Senator Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, another member of the class of 2010, has also demanded more spending cuts and described the bill’s approach as “completely unsustainable.” “I’m saying things that people know need to be said,” he told The Wall Street Journal. “The kid who just exposed that the king is butt-naked may not be real popular, because he kind of made everybody else look like fools, but they all recognize he was right.” (The White House has lately been working to court Johnson.)
威斯康星州的参议员罗恩·约翰逊(Ron Johnson)是2010年班级的另一位成员,他还要求更多的支出削减,并将该法案的方法描述为“完全不可持续”。他告诉《华尔街日报》:“我说的是人们知道需要说的话。”“那个刚刚揭示国王是屁股的孩子可能并不是真正的受欢迎,因为他有点让其他人看起来像傻瓜,但他们都认识到他是对的。”(白宫最近一直在约翰逊法院工作。)
Standing alongside these senators are representatives such as Andy Harris of Maryland, who was elected in 2010; Paul’s fellow Kentuckian (and fellow Trump target) Thomas Massie, who arrived in the House in 2012; and Chip Roy, a Texan who first came to Washington in 2013 as chief of staff for Tea Party–aligned Senator Ted Cruz. Staring them down is Speaker Mike Johnson. Like Paul Ryan, who was a role model for many Tea Partiers but clashed with the hard right once he became speaker of the House, Johnson has frustrated former comrades by backing off his former fiscal conservatism in the name of passing legislation. As my colleague Jonathan Chait has written, this has led Johnson and his allies to brazenly lie about what the bill would do.
与这些参议员站在一起的是诸如马里兰州的安迪·哈里斯(Andy Harris),他于2010年当选。保罗的肯塔基州同胞(和特朗普的目标)托马斯·马西(Thomas Massie),他于2012年到达众议院;德克萨斯州奇普·罗伊(Chip Roy)于2013年首次来到华盛顿,担任茶党参议员特德·克鲁兹(Ted Cruz)的参谋长。演讲者迈克·约翰逊(Mike Johnson)凝视着他们。像保罗·瑞安(Paul Ryan)一样,他是许多茶党的榜样,但一旦成为众议院议长,约翰逊(Johnson)以通过立法的名义支持他以前的财政保守主义,使前同志们感到沮丧。正如我的同事乔纳森·查特(Jonathan Chait)所写的那样,这导致约翰逊和他的盟友大胆地撒谎。
The neo–Tea Partiers are not the only challenge for the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. More mainstream and moderate GOP members are skittish about a bill that is deeply unpopular and will cut services that their constituents favor or depend on. Nor is fiscal conservatism the only revival of Tea Party rhetoric. Zohran Mamdani’s victory in the New York City Democratic mayoral primary has elicited a new burst of bigotry, sometimes from the same exact people. Meanwhile, Democrats are experiencing their own echoes of 2010, as voters demand more from elected officials, and anti-establishment candidates such as Mamdani win.
Neo -Tea Parters并不是《一项大型法案法案》的唯一挑战。更多的主流和中等的共和党成员对一项非常不受欢迎的法案感到非常困扰,并将削减其选民有利于或依赖的服务。财政保守主义也不是茶党修辞的唯一复兴。佐兰·曼达尼(Zohran Mamdani)在纽约市民主市长初选中的胜利引起了新的偏执,有时是从同一人那里获得的。同时,民主党人正在经历自己2010年的回声,因为选民向民选官员和反建立候选人(如Mamdani Win)要求更多。
The 2025 Tea Party wave faces difficulties the first wave didn’t. Rather than being able to organize Republicans against a Democratic president, Paul, Johnson, and company are opposing a Republican president who is deeply popular with members of Congress and primary voters. Roy threatened to vote against the bill in the House but then backed down. Now he says he might vote against the Senate bill when the two are reconciled. “Chip Roy says he means it this time,” snickered Politico this week, noting that he and his allies have “drawn and re-drawn their fiscal red lines several times over now.” Then again, how better to honor their predecessors than to back down from a demand for real fiscal discipline?
2025年的茶党浪潮面临第一波的困难。与其能够组织共和党人对民主党总统,保罗,约翰逊和公司反对共和党总统,他在国会议员和主要选民中非常受欢迎。罗伊威胁要投票反对众议院的法案,但随后退缩了。现在他说,当两人和解时,他可能会投票反对参议院法案。“奇普·罗伊(Chip Roy)说他这次的意思是这次。” Politico窃笑,并指出他和他的盟友“现在多次画并重新划定了他们的财政红线”。再说一次,比对真正的财政纪律的需求更好地尊重他们的前任?
Related:
有关的:
Here are three new stories from The Atlantic:
这是来自大西洋的三个新故事:
Today’s News
今天的新闻
President Donald Trump said that he had cut off trade negotiations with Canada because of Canada’s tax on tech companies that would also affect those based in America. The Supreme Court limited federal courts’ ability to implement nationwide injunctions in a decision that left unclear the fate of Trump’s executive order restricting birthright citizenship. The Supreme Court ruled that parents can withdraw their children from public-school classes on days that storybooks with LGBTQ themes are discussed if they have religious objections.
唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)总统说,由于加拿大对技术公司的税收税,他也切断了与加拿大的贸易谈判。最高法院限制了联邦法院实施全国禁令的能力,这一裁决尚不清楚特朗普的行政命令限制出生权公民身份的命运。最高法院裁定,在有LGBTQ主题的故事书上,如果他们有宗教反对,将讨论父母从公立学校班上撤出孩子。
Dispatches
派遣
Explore all of our newsletters here.
在这里探索我们所有的新闻通讯。
Evening Read
晚上阅读
Bryan Dozier / Middle East Images / AFP / Getty
Bryan Dozier /中东图像 / AFP / Getty
The Three Marine Brothers Who Feel ‘Betrayed’ by America
三个被美国“出卖”的海洋兄弟
By Xochitl Gonzalez
作者:Xochitl Gonzalez
The four men in jeans and tactical vests labeled Police: U.S. Border Patrol had Narciso Barranco surrounded. Their masks and hats concealed their faces, so that only their eyes were visible. When they’d approached him, he was doing landscape work outside of an IHOP in Santa Ana, California. Frightened, Barranco attempted to run away. By the time a bystander started filming, the agents had caught him and pinned him, face down, on the road. One crouches and begins to pummel him, repeatedly, in the head. You can hear Barranco moaning in pain. Eventually, the masked men drag him to his feet and try to shove him into an SUV. When Barranco resists, one agent takes a rod and wedges it under his neck, attempting to steer him into the vehicle as if prodding livestock. Barranco is the father of three sons, all of them United States Marines. The eldest brother is a veteran, and the younger men are on active duty. At any moment, the same president who sent an emboldened ICE after their father could also command them into battle.
穿着牛仔裤和战术背心的四名男子标有警察的标签:美国边境巡逻队将Narciso Barranco包围。他们的面具和帽子掩盖了他们的脸,因此只能看到他们的眼睛。当他们接近他时,他正在加利福尼亚州圣安娜的IHOP以外进行景观工作。吓坏了,巴兰科试图逃跑。当旁观者开始拍摄时,特工抓住了他并将他固定在路上。一个人蹲下,开始反复殴打他的头。您可以听到Barranco痛苦地mo吟。最终,蒙面的男人将他拖到脚上,试图将他推入SUV。当巴兰科(Barranco)拒绝时,一个经纪人拿起一根杆子将其楔入他的脖子下,试图将他引导到车辆中,好像刺激了牲畜一样。巴兰科(Barranco)是三个儿子的父亲,都是美国海军陆战队的父亲。大兄弟是一名老兵,年轻人正在现役。随时,同一位总统在父亲还可以命令他们参加战斗之后派遣了一个胆量的冰。
Read the full article.
阅读全文。
More From The Atlantic
来自大西洋的更多
Culture Break
文化中断
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Coming soon. A new season of the Autocracy in America podcast, hosted by Garry Kasparov, a former world chess champion and democracy activist.
即将推出。由前世界国际象棋冠军和民主活动家加里·卡斯帕罗夫(Garry Kasparov)主持的美国专制播客的新季节。
Watch (or skip). Squid Game’s final season (out now on Netflix) is a reminder of what the show did so well, in the wrong ways, Shirley Li writes.
观看(或跳过)。Shirley Li写道,Squid Game的最后一个赛季(现在在Netflix上)提醒了该节目的表现,以错误的方式表现出色。
Play our daily crossword.
播放我们的每日填字游戏。
P.S.
P.S.
Tuesday was a red-letter day for blue language in the Gray Lady. The New York Times is famously shy about four-letter words; the journalist Blake Eskin noted in 2022 that the paper had published three separate articles about the satirical children’s book Go the Fuck to Sleep, all without ever printing the actual name of the book. An article about Emil Bove III, which I wrote about yesterday, was tricky for the Times: The notable thing about the story was the language allegedly used. In its second paragraph, the Times used one of its standard circumlocutions: “In Mr. Reuveni’s telling, Mr. Bove discussed disregarding court orders, adding an expletive for emphasis.” It printed the word itself in the 16th paragraph, perhaps because any children reading would have gotten bored and moved on by then. The same day, the Times reported, unexpurgated, on Trump’s anger at Iran and Israel: “We basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don’t know what the fuck they’re doing,” the president told reporters.
星期二是《灰色女士》中蓝色语言的红色字母。《纽约时报》对四个字母的单词很害羞。记者布雷克·埃斯金(Blake Eskin)在2022年指出,该报纸发表了三篇有关讽刺儿童书的单独文章,请录制该死,而无需打印本书的实际名称。我昨天写的一篇关于埃米尔·博维三世(Emil Bove III)的文章对《时代》很棘手:关于这个故事的显着意义是据称使用的语言。在第二段中,《泰晤士报》采用了其标准挑战之一:“在鲁维尼先生的讲述中,鲍夫先生讨论了无视法院的命令,增加了重点的谴责。”它在第16段中打印了单词本身,也许是因为任何读书的孩子都会变得无聊并继续前进。《泰晤士报》报道说,同一天,关于特朗普对伊朗和以色列的愤怒的未表现:“我们基本上有两个国家一直在战斗这么长时间,以至于他们不知道自己在做什么,”总统告诉记者。
I was curious about the discussions behind these choices. In a suitably Times-y email, the newspaper spokesperson Danielle Rhoades Ha told me: “Editors decided it was newsworthy that the president of the United States used a curse word to make a point on one of the biggest issues of the day, and did so in openly showing frustration with an ally as well as an adversary.” It’s another Trumpian innovation: expanding the definition of news fit to print.
我对这些选择背后的讨论感到好奇。在一封适当的电子邮件中,报纸发言人丹妮尔·罗德斯(Danielle Rhoades HA)告诉我:“编辑们认为,新闻价值是美国总统使用诅咒词来指出当天最大的问题之一,并在公开表现出与盟友和敌人的沮丧表现出来的。”这是另一个特朗普的创新:扩大新闻的定义印刷。
— David
- 大卫
Stephanie Bai contributed to this newsletter.
斯蒂芬妮·拜(Stephanie Bai)为该新闻通讯做出了贡献。