Zohran Mamdani’s opponents paint him as a dangerous radical. The young, socialistic candidate for New York City mayor wishes to dispel that perception—in some ways. Last week, he appeared on a podcast with The Bulwark’s Tim Miller, a former Republican and the sort of moderate Mamdani knows he needs to win over, or at least neutralize, if he is to carry this week’s Democratic primary. As Miller presented a litany of concerns about Mamdani’s plans to freeze stabilized-housing rent, establish city-run groceries, and other offenses against Econ 101, the candidate expressed a willingness to hinge his policies on outcomes and abandon his plans if they failed.
佐兰·曼达尼（Zohran Mamdani）的对手将他描绘成一个危险的激进分子。纽约市市长的年轻，社会主义的候选人希望以某种方式消除这种看法。上周，他与前共和党人蒂姆·米勒（Tim Miller）一起出现在播客上，如果要携带本周的民主党初选，那么他知道他需要赢得或至少中和的那种温和的曼达尼。当米勒对曼达尼（Mamdani）冻结稳定居住租金，建立城市经营的杂货以及针对ECON 101的其他罪行的计划引起了很多担忧时，候选人表示愿意取决于其政策，并放弃他的计划，如果失败了。
But when Miller asked Mamdani about the pro-Palestine slogan “Globalize the intifada,” the candidate’s pragmatism and intellectual humility evaporated. “To me, ultimately, what I hear in so many is a desperate desire for equality and equal rights in standing up for Palestinian human rights,” he said.
但是，当米勒向曼达尼（Mamdani）询问亲巴勒斯坦的口号“全球化起义”时，候选人的实用主义和智力谦卑蒸发了。他说：“对我来说，最终，我在许多人中听到的是对平等和平等权利的绝望渴望。”
Mamdani may sincerely believe this, as do some of his supporters. But he then delved into the semantics of intifada, citing the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s use of the word as the translation of “uprising” in an Arabic version of an article the museum published about the Warsaw Ghetto. This comparison, to a Jewish armed rebellion against the Nazis, hardly dispels concern about the incendiary implications of the slogan. If the intifada is akin to the ghetto uprising, then it is a call for violence. If its theater of operations is global, then it is necessarily directed against civilians. Days before the Democratic primary, when Mamdani appeared to be gaining momentum, the controversy about his comments on Miller’s show dragged the race’s focus back to the Middle East, a subject that Mamdani has not emphasized in his campaign. Yet this debate has largely missed the significance. What makes the slogan so disturbing in an American context is not the intifada bit. It’s the globalize part.
Mamdani可能会像他的一些支持者一样真诚地相信这一点。但是，他随后深入研究了起义的语义，理由是美国大屠杀纪念博物馆用作“起义”一词的翻译，该文章的文章发表了有关华沙贫民窟的文章。与犹太人对纳粹的犹太武装叛乱的比较，几乎没有消除对口号的煽动性影响的关注。如果起义类似于贫民窟起义，那么这是暴力的呼吁。如果其运营剧院是全球的，那么它必定针对平民。在民主党初选的几天前，当曼达尼似乎正在蓬勃发展时，关于他对米勒节目的评论的争议将比赛的重点拖回了中东，这一主题并未在他的竞选中强调。然而，这场辩论在很大程度上错过了意义。在美国背景下，口号使口号如此令人不安的原因不是起义。这是全球化的一部分。
An unfortunate spillover effect of the war between Israel and Hamas is its extension into U.S. politics. If we are heading toward a future in which even candidates for local office in the United States run on their position toward the Middle East, American politics will come to resemble that intractable conflict. The pluralist alternative is to confine conflict over Palestine and Israel to any national elected office that could have actual influence on U.S. foreign policy. Everybody needs to be willing to live with a mayor who does not share their personal solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict.
以色列和哈马斯之间战争的不幸溢出效应是它扩展到美国政治。如果我们正朝着一个未来的未来，即使是美国当地办公室的候选人在中东的地位，美国政治就会像这场棘手的冲突一样。多元化的替代方法是将巴勒斯坦和以色列的冲突局限于任何可能对美国外交政策产生实际影响的国家当选办公室。每个人都需要愿意与不分享以色列 - 巴勒斯坦冲突的个人解决方案的市长生活。
Mamdani’s defense of globalizing the intifada has spurred more commentary about his left-wing views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But his beliefs about Israel are not the concern. The intifada is taking place inside Israel and the occupied territories. Globalizing the intifada definitionally involves events outside that region.
曼达尼（Mamdani）捍卫起义的全球化，刺激了他对以色列 - 巴勒斯坦冲突的左翼观点的更多评论。但是他对以色列的信念并不是关心。起义正在以色列和被占领的领土内进行。全球化起义在定义上涉及该地区以外的事件。
Jeffrey Goldberg: Sinwar’s march of folly
杰弗里·戈德堡（Jeffrey Goldberg）：辛瓦（Sinwar）的《愚蠢游行》
Even if globalizing the intifada doesn’t have to mean global violence, that interpretation is plausible. Indeed, some people inspired by the free-Palestine movement do take the slogan literally. Supporters of the movement have engaged in harassment, graffiti, and violence and terrorism against Zionists worldwide. In recent months, pro-Palestine activists have carried out homicidal or potentially homicidal attacks in Pennsylvania; Washington, D.C.; and Colorado.
即使全球化起义并不一定意味着全球暴力，这种解释是合理的。确实，有些受到自由 - 上运动启发的人确实以字面意思。该运动的支持者从事骚扰，涂鸦以及针对全球犹太复国主义者的暴力和恐怖主义。近几个月来，亲巴勒斯坦激进分子在宾夕法尼亚州进行了杀人或潜在的杀人袭击。华盛顿特区；和科罗拉多州。
The ambiguity of the slogan is not a point in its defense but a point against it. The dual meanings allow the movement to contain both peaceful and militant wings, without the former having to take responsibility for the latter. If activists refused to employ slogans that double as a form of violent incitement, it would insulate them from any association with the harassment and violence that has tainted their protests. Their failure to do so reveals an unwillingness to draw lines, as does Mamdani’s reluctance to allow any daylight between him and their rhetoric.
口号的歧义不是防御的重点，而是对它的观点。双重含义使该运动既包含和平又有武装的翅膀，而前者必须对后者负责。如果激进分子拒绝采用将两倍的口号作为一种暴力煽动的形式，那么这将使他们与遭受抗议的骚扰和暴力行为相关。他们没有这样做，这表明了不愿意划清界限的不愿意，而Mamdani不愿允许他与他们的言论之间的任何日光。
Mamdani is neither stupid nor politically naive. He has backtracked on his previous support for defunding the police and, as mentioned, courted moderates (such as my colleague Derek Thompson, in an interview for the latest episode of his podcast, Plain English) by saying that his governing agenda would be driven by outcomes over ideology. If Mamdani is willing to absorb the political pain of tying himself to a slogan that many Jews find frightening, in an election in which they constitute a major voting bloc, his gloss on the slogan implies a genuine commitment to everything the slogan represents.
Mamdani既不是愚蠢也不是政治天真的。他已经回顾了他以前对警察退还资金的支持，如前所述，他的同事德里克·汤普森（Derek Thompson）在接受最新播客《普通英语》（Plain English）的采访中说，他的理事议程将由意识形态的胜任所驱动。如果Mamdani愿意吸收许多犹太人感到恐惧的口号的政治痛苦，在他们构成一个主要投票的集团的选举中，他对口号的掩饰意味着对口号所代表的一切的真正承诺。
Mamdani insisted to Miller, evasively, that he won’t repudiate globalizing the intifada because, as he put it, “the role of the mayor is not to police language.” Yet there’s no rule in politics that says a mayor or a candidate can’t criticize political rhetoric. Nor has Mamdani bound himself to such a prohibition: He has policed the terminology of his opponents by, for instance, complaining that he has faced “dehumanizing language” as a Muslim candidate for office.
曼达尼（Mamdani）避免向米勒（Miller）坚持认为，他不会否认全球化起义，因为正如他所说，“市长的作用不是警察语言。”然而，政治上没有规则说市长或候选人不能批评政治言论。Mamdani也没有将自己束缚在这样的禁令中：例如，他一直抱怨他的对手的术语，例如，他抱怨自己遇到了“非人道的语言”作为穆斯林的任职候选人。
Mamdani defended himself by denouncing anti-Semitism in broad terms and painting his opponents as cynics for using imputed anti-Semitism as a political cudgel against him. This offers little reassurance. Almost everybody is willing to renounce anti-Semitism on the opposite side of the political spectrum. The far right is stuffed with philo-Semites, who are willing and eager to attack the scourge of Jew hatred so long as it is on the left, while ignoring or apologizing for the rise of anti-Semitism in their own ranks. The key test of principle—the only test, really—is whether you are willing to call out your allies’ hatred. Mamdani’s refusal on this crucial point is a signal that he will downplay anti-Semitism when it springs from the pro-Palestine movement.
曼达尼（Mamdani）通过以广泛的方式谴责反犹太主义，并将对手绘画为愤世嫉俗的人，以将反犹太主义描绘成愤世嫉俗的人，因为他们将估算的反犹太主义用作对他的政治苏格尔语。这几乎没有放心。几乎每个人都愿意在政治范围的另一面放弃反犹太主义。最右边的是菲洛·塞米特人（Philo-Semites），他们愿意并渴望攻击犹太人仇恨的祸害，只要它在左边，同时忽略或道歉，因为他们自己的反犹太主义崛起。原则的关键测试（实际上是唯一的测试）是您是否愿意召集盟友的仇恨。曼达尼（Mamdani）在这个关键点上拒绝了一个信号，表明他将在pro-palestine运动中弹出反犹太主义。
American Jews should be willing to accept a candidate for municipal office who does not share their views about the Middle East. (Arab and Muslim Americans have long been obliged to do so.) A candidate who does not take seriously an incitement to violence against other Americans, though, is not something anybody should have to accept.
美国犹太人应该愿意接受市政办公室的候选人，他们不对中东有任何看法。（阿拉伯人和穆斯林美国人长期以来一直必须这样做。）不过，没有人对其他美国人的暴力行为的候选人并不是任何人都必须接受的。
