生成中...【新闻摘要】
"以色列定居者在约旦河西岸上演'抢地大作战'：他们一边喝着无糖果汁，一边把巴勒斯坦农民赶出祖辈放牧的山丘。定居点领袖梅尔·辛查坐在无花果树下得意洋洋地说：'敌人终于明白他们该滚蛋了'——而联合国专家看到的却是'系统性侵犯人权'。更魔幻的是，财政部长斯莫特里奇给定居者赠送全地形车时，台下就坐着被欧盟制裁的暴力分子利瓦伊，这哥们几周前刚开枪打死一名巴勒斯坦记者。如今定居者们不再满足于山顶的铁皮屋，开始规划游泳池和道路网，毕竟在'上帝应许之地'搞房地产，可比在特拉维夫贷款买房划算多了！"
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**Israeli settlers intensify campaign to drive out West Bank Palestinians**
以色列定居者加紧驱逐约旦河西岸巴勒斯坦人
**1 day ago Share Save Jeremy Bowen International editor, reporting from the occupied West Bank Share Save**
1天前 分享 保存 杰里米·鲍文 国际事务主编 发自被占领的约旦河西岸
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**Oren Rosenfeld/BBC**
奥伦·罗森菲尔德/BBC
**Meir Simcha agreed to talk, but he wanted to do it somewhere special, because for him, this is a special time. In a place where nation, religion and war are linked inextricably with politics and the possession of land, Simcha chose a patch of shade under a fig tree next to a spring of fresh water. From his dusty car, a small Toyota fitted with off road tyres, he produced a bottle of juice made from fruit and vegetables."Don't worry, there's no extra sugar," he said as he poured it into plastic cups. Simcha is the leader of a group of Jewish settlers steadily transforming a big stretch of the rolling terrain south of Hebron in the West Bank, which Israel has occupied since it was captured in the 1967 Middle East war. He moved two large flat stones into the shade as seats, and we sat down in a patch of lush grass, kept alive in the harsh summer heat by water dripping from a pipe coming out of the spring. It was a small oasis at the foot of a steep, arid, rocky slope and the location, if not our conversation, felt peaceful in a way that the West Bank rarely does these days.**
梅尔·辛查同意接受采访，但坚持要选个特别地点——在这个民族、宗教与土地争夺纠缠不清的地方，他选了泉水旁的无花果树荫下。从满是灰尘的越野丰田车里，他掏出一瓶果蔬汁："别担心，没加糖"。作为希伯伦南部山区定居点领袖，辛查用两块扁石当座椅，带我们坐在泉水滋润的草地上。这片干旱岩坡脚下的小绿洲，与如今动荡的西岸形成诡异反差。
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**The conflict between Arabs and Jews for control of the land between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea started well over a century ago when Zionists from Europe began to buy land to set up communities in Palestine. It has been shaped by significant turning points. The latest has come from the deadly 7 October 2023 attacks by Hamas and Israel's devastating response. The consequences of the last 22 months of war, and however many more months are left before a ceasefire, threaten to spread across years and generations, just like the Middle East war in 1967, when Israel captured Gaza from Egypt and East Jerusalem and the West Bank from Jordan. The scale of destruction and killing in the Gaza war obscures what is happening in the West Bank, which smoulders with tension and violence. Since October 2023, Israel's pressure on West Bank Palestinians has increased sharply, justified as legitimate security measures.**
阿拉伯人与犹太人对约旦河至地中海土地的争夺始于百年前欧洲犹太复国主义者购地建村。2023年10月7日哈马斯袭击成为最新转折点，其影响或将如1967年战争般延续数代。加沙战火掩盖了西岸的紧张局势——自去年10月以来，以色列以"安全措施"为名加强对巴勒斯坦人压迫。
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**The enemy in our land lost hope to stay here, says Meir Simcha**
梅尔·辛查称："我们土地上的敌人已失去留下的希望"
**Evidence based on statements by ministers, influential local leaders like Simcha and accounts by witnesses on the ground reveal that the pressure is part of a wider agenda, to accelerate the spread of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories and to extinguish any lingering hopes of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel. Palestinians and human rights groups also accuse the Israeli security forces of failing in their legal duty as occupiers to protect Palestinians as well as their own citizens - not just turning a blind eye to settler attacks, but even joining in. Violence by ultra-nationalist Jewish settlers in the West Bank has risen sharply since 7 October 2023. Ocha, the UN's humanitarian office, estimates an average of four settler attacks every day. The International Court of Justice has issued an advisory opinion that the entire occupation of Palestinian territory captured in 1967 is illegal. Israel rejects the ICJ's view and claims that the Geneva Conventions forbidding settlement in occupied territories do not apply - a view disputed by many of its own allies as well as international lawyers.**
部长声明、定居者领袖表态及现场见证显示，以色列正加速扩张定居点并扼杀巴勒斯坦建国希望。巴方和人权组织指控以军不仅纵容定居者暴力，甚至参与其中。联合国统计西岸日均发生4起定居者袭击。国际法院认定1967年以来的占领非法，但以色列援引《日内瓦公约》辩称其不适用——该说法遭盟国和国际法学者驳斥。
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**In the shade of the fig tree, Simcha denied all suggestions he had attacked Palestinians, as he celebrated the fact that most of the Arab farmers who used to graze their animals on the hills he has seized and tend their olives in the valleys had gone. He looks back to the Hamas October attacks, and Israel's response ever since, as a turning point."I think that a lot has changed, that the enemy in our land lost hope. He's beginning to understand that he's on his way out; that's what has changed in the last year or year and a half."Today you can walk around here in the land in the desert, and nobody will jump on you and try to kill you. There are still attempts to oppose our presence here in this land, but the enemy is starting to understand this slowly. They have no future here."The reality has changed. I ask you and the people of the world, why are you so interested in those Palestinians so much? Why do you care about them? It's just another small nation."The Palestinians don't interest me. I care about my people." Simcha says the Palestinians who left villages and farms near the hilltops he has claimed simply realised that God intended the land for Jews, not for them. On 24 July this year, a panel of UN experts came to a different conclusion. A statement issued by the office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said:"We are deeply troubled by alleged widespread intimidation, violence, land dispossession, destruction of livelihoods and the resulting forcible displacement of communities, and we fear this is severing Palestinians from their land and undermining their food security."The alleged acts of violence, destruction of property, and denial of access to land and resources appear to constitute a systemic pattern of human rights violations."**
辛查否认参与袭击，但欣喜于阿拉伯牧民从其占领的山丘消失。他将哈马斯袭击视为转折点："敌人已失去希望...他们终将明白这里没有未来"。联合国人权高专办7月24日声明则指控"系统性侵犯人权"，包括暴力驱离、剥夺土地和生计。
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**Simcha has a plan to dig a swimming pool at the base of the spring where we sat to talk. Like many others who are leading the expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, he is full of plans. When I met him first, not long after Hamas burst through Israel's border defences on 7 October 2023, he lived in a small group of isolated caravans on a hilltop overlooking the Judean desert as it sweeps down to the Dead Sea. Since then, Simcha says his community has expanded into around 200 people on three hilltops. He was part of the faction of the settler movement known as hilltop youth, a radical fringe that became notorious for the violent harassment of Palestinians. Most Israelis who have settled in the occupied territories are not like Simcha. They went there not for ideological and religious reasons, but because property was cheaper. But now men like Simcha are at the centre of events, with their leaders in the cabinet, leading the charge, married, older, thinking not just about swimming pools for their children but of victory over the Palestinians, once and for all, and everlasting Jewish possession of the land. Simcha comes across as a happy man. He believes his mission - to implement the will of God by turning the West Bank into a land for Jews, and not for Palestinians - is progressing nicely.**
辛查计划在泉眼旁修建游泳池。作为"山顶青年"激进定居者组织成员，他的社区已扩张至三个山头约200人。与多数为低价房产而来的定居者不同，辛查这类宗教极端分子正成为核心力量，其内阁盟友推动着永久占领土地的计划。
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**Israel's decades-old project**
以色列长达数十年的计划
**Israel's project to settle Jewish citizens in the newly occupied territories started within days of its victory in 1967. Over the last almost 60 years, successive Israeli governments and some wealthy sympathisers have invested vast amounts of money and energy to get to the point where around 700,000 Israeli Jews live in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. I have been watching the settlements grow for about half of the lifetime of the project, since I first reported from the occupied Palestinian territories in 1991. In that time, the terrain of much of the West Bank has been transformed. The bigger settlements look like small towns, and the West Bank is carved into sections by a network of roads and tunnels built by Israel that are as much about staking an immovable claim to the land as they are about traffic management. On remote hilltops at night, you can see the lights coming from the caravans of settlers who see themselves as Jewish pioneers. Olive groves, orchards and vineyards owned by Palestinian farmers along the road network are often overgrown, sometimes dotted with piles of rubble left from buildings Israel has demolished. Controlling the land around the roads is necessary, Israel says, to stop attacks on Jews in the West Bank. Farmers in areas under settler pressure often need military permission to visit their land, sometimes just once a year. Palestinian farmers going about their business in vans or on donkeys used to be a common sight. In many parts of the West Bank, you just do not see them anymore, especially in places like the settlements east of Shiloh on the road to Nablus, where small groups of shacks and caravans on hilltops have connected up into sprawling residential hubs linked by sinuous road networks.**
以色列自1967年胜利后立即启动定居点计划。60年来70万犹太人迁入西岸，大型定居点已成小镇规模，道路网将巴勒斯坦农田割裂。被占领土上的橄榄园多已荒芜，农民需军方许可才能进入自家土地。从示罗以东到纳布卢斯，定居点已连片成网。
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**Motaz Tafsha, mayor of West Bank town Sinjel:"They want to take our land, and they have the green light"**
西岸辛杰镇市长莫塔兹·塔夫沙："他们想抢我们的土地，而且有绿灯"
**When first I reported on settlements, Israeli leaders would often say that national security depended on them. Enemies lurked across the Jordan valley, and pushing out the frontier, building the land, was a Zionist imperative. Just like the kibbutz movement of collective farms in the 1920s and 1930s inside present-day Israel, settlements in the occupied territories after 1967 were strategically placed as a first line of defence. In this conflict, land is a vital commodity. Trading land taken by Israel in 1967 for peace with Palestinians who wanted it for a state was at the heart of the Oslo peace process that ended in violence but provided a false dawn of hope in the 1990s. There were headlines around the world when, after months of secret negotiations in Norway in 1993, there was a handshake on the White House lawn between Israel's Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. They had signed a declaration of principles that was hoped would lead to the end of the conflict. Israel would relinquish occupied land to Palestinians. In return, they would drop their claim to territory they had lost when Israel declared independence in 1948.**
早期报道时，以领导人称定居点是国家安全所需。1993年奥斯陆协议曾设想用1967年占领土地换取和平，但拉宾遇刺使希望破灭。
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**Cynthia Johnson/Liaison**
辛西娅·约翰逊/联络图片社
**The argument at the heart of their conflict across the 20th Century, about who controlled land they both wanted, would be solved by splitting it. After a final disastrous summit at Camp David in 2000, the hopes of 1993 were replaced by the deadly violence of a Palestinian uprising and a massive military response from Israel. Part of the reason why the peace process failed was that other forces, outside the talks, were at work. Hamas never dropped its belief that the entire land of Palestine was an Islamic possession and used suicide attacks to discredit the notion that peace was possible. Among religious Zionists in Israel, the victory in 1967 had supercharged a wave of messianism - the belief that a divine being was coming who would redeem the Jewish people. It electrified the settler movement. Rabin was assassinated in November 1995 by a Jewish extremist brought up in Herzliya on the Mediterranean coast who spent weekends at settlements in the West Bank. During his first interrogation by the Israeli security service, Shin Bet, he asked for a drink so he could toast the fact that he had saved the Jewish people from a disastrous path that denied the will of God.**
2000年戴维营峰会破裂后，巴勒斯坦起义与以色列军事镇压取代和平希望。哈马斯坚持全巴勒斯坦土地属伊斯兰，而1967年胜利激发犹太弥赛亚主义狂热。拉宾被在定居点度周末的极端分子刺杀。
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**Warning: This section contains an image some people might find upsetting**
警告：此部分图片可能引起不适
**Today, the messianic idea grips settlers like Simcha more powerfully than ever. They believe the victory in 1967 was a miracle granted by God, that restored to the Jewish people the ancestral lands that he had given them in the mountain heartland of Judea and Samaria - the area that much of the rest of the world calls the West Bank. Some believe events since 7 October have extended the miracle. Last summer, the Minister for Settlements and National Missions, Orit Strock, put it like this to a sympathetic audience at an outpost in the Hebron hills, the area where Simcha operates."From my point of view, this is like a miracle period," she said."I feel like someone standing at a traffic light, and then it turns green." Minister Strock was speaking a few days before the ICJ issued its opinion. She made her remarks at a settlement in the Hebron hills that the government had just"legalised". Israeli law distinguishes between"legal" settlements and"illegal" outposts - a distinction that is in practice being blurred by the government's actions. Outposts rebranded as"young settlements" are being retrospectively legalised as the government directs funds towards them.**
如今弥赛亚思想比以往更强烈地支配着辛查等定居者。定居点部长斯特罗克在希伯伦山区称"这是奇迹时刻，就像交通灯变绿"。政府正将非法前哨"追溯合法化"为"年轻定居点"。
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**Oren Rosenfeld/BBC Police guard a digger extending the settlement of Carmel near Umm al-Khair, in the southern West Bank**
奥伦·罗森菲尔德/BBC 警察守卫着扩建卡梅尔定居点的挖掘机
**At a ceremony in one of them in the south Hebron Hills in April this year, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, whose powers over the running of the occupation also make him something like the governor of the West Bank, donated 19 all-terrain vehicles to the settlers. He praised them for"grabbing massive territories". A sharp-eyed reporter at the Times of Israel pointed out that one of the settlers at the ceremony, Yinon Levi, had been filmed harassing Palestinians from an all-terrain vehicle. Levi is sanctioned by the UK and the European Union for using violence to drive Palestinians off their land, though President Trump lifted similar sanctions imposed by Joe Biden. Levi is radical settler royalty, married to the daughter of Noam Federman - a notorious extremist. Federman is a former leader of the Kach party, which is designated as a terrorist organisation by Israel, the US, the European Union and others. On 28 July this year, Yinon Levi fired a bullet that killed Odeh Hathaleen, a Palestinian activist and journalist, during a disturbance in the West Bank village of Umm al-Khair. Levi pleaded self-defence and was released after three days of house arrest. When we went to Umm al-Khair, Hathaleen's dried blood was still at the place where he was killed. His brother, Khalil, told me the dead man was holding his five-year-old son, Watan, and filming the violent scenes on his phone when he was killed.**
财政部长斯莫特里奇4月向定居者捐赠19辆全地形车，称赞他们"夺取大片领土"。出席仪式的利瓦伊是欧盟制裁的极端分子，7月28日他在冲突中枪杀巴勒斯坦记者哈萨林。
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**Oren Rosenfeld/BBC**
奥伦·罗森菲尔德/BBC
**The settlement movement in the West Bank has powered ahead since 7 October, under the direction of hardline Jewish nationalists in the cabinet, men like Itamar Ben Gvir, the national security minister, and Bezalel Smotrich, who is Strock's leader in the Religious Zionist Party. Ben Gvir was not drafted by the IDF when he turned 18, because of his extreme beliefs. He claims he campaigned to serve. The two ministers are very different people to the secular politicians - retired generals like Yigal Allon from the Israeli left and Ariel Sharon from the right - two men who drove the settlement movement forward in its first two decades after 1967. Just like Allon and Sharon, they believe that security requires power. But for Smotrich, Ben Gvir and their followers, that is underpinned by the certainty of religious belief. The influence they have acquired in return for supporting Netanyahu and keeping him in power continues to frustrate and enrage secular Israel. Smotrich's Israeli opponents use the word"messianic" as term of abuse when they talk about him. Allon and Sharon could be ruthless. After the 1967 war, Allon advocated the annexation of large parts of the West Bank and the Jordan Valley. Neither man believed they were doing the will of God. Hamas uses religion to justify its violent opposition to the existence of Israel. Religious Zionists in the settler movement believe they are doing God's will. Belief in a direct connection with God does not guarantee war. But it makes the compromises necessary for peace hard to achieve.**
10月7日后，国家安全部长本-格维尔和财长斯莫特里奇等内阁强硬派加速定居点扩张。与1967年后推动定居点的世俗将领不同，这些宗教政客坚信自己在执行上帝旨意。
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**'Now the settlers are the military'**
"现在定居者就是军队"
**We arranged to meet Yehuda Shaul at the road junction next to Sinjel. He is one of Israel's most prominent opponents of the occupation. Shaul founded an organisation called Breaking the Silence after, as a soldier, he saw first-hand the inherently brutal realities of a military occupation that has lasted almost 60 years. Fellow Israelis have branded supporters of Breaking the Silence, which he no longer leads, as traitors many times. Israeli military crackdowns since the October attacks have reduced Palestinian violence against settlers, while settler attacks on Palestinians have grown sharply. Shaul says that the line between settlers and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has become blurred. The war in Gaza has required the longest mobilisation of military reservists - the backbone of the IDF - in Israel's history. To get more Israelis into uniform, brigades in the West Bank have formed regional defence units made up of settlers."Now the settlers are the military. In the military are the settlers. So that settler on the hilltop nearby a Palestinian herding community that was beating them up and throwing stones for the past two three or four years, trying to get him out, now is the soldier or the officer in uniform with a gun responsible for the area."So when he comes to a Palestinian and says, 'you have 24 hours to pack up and leave or I'm going to shoot you,' the Palestinian knows there is nothing to protect him."**
反占领活动家沙乌尔指出，定居者与以军的界限已模糊——长期骚扰牧民的定居者如今穿上了军装。加沙战争导致以军组建由定居者组成的"地区防御部队"，赋予他们合法暴力权。
